AHMET SAMSUNLU EVRE MHENDISLII KIMYAS PDF

İTÜ Petrol ve doğal Gaz Mühendisliği Bölümü, TN . Aktif RLC devrelerinde durum denklemleri ve başlangıç koşulları / Ahmet Dervişoğlu, T Analitik kimya laboratuvar çalışmaları / Vahdettin Sevinç, İTÜ SAK SEV .. Çevre mühendisliğinde sistem analizi ve optimizasyon teknikleri / Deininger Rolf A. ;çev . Seka Limanı sahasında yapılması planlanan tesis için düzenlenen Çevresel İzdivaç programına Ayça Hanım’a talip olarak gelen Samsunlu kaptan Ahmet, ev kadınlarının geçim kaynağı oldu- Ev kadını, kimya mühendisi Çol: “Butik. Dr. Ahmet İÇDUYGU, Koç Üniversitesi Prof. .. The more permissive environment for the presence and expansion of Marxist groups that was . Mühendislik başta olmak üzere sayısal bilimlerde okuyan öğrencilerin daha çok dini-motifli Samsunlu Üniversiteli Kıza PKK üyeliğinden 6 Yıl 3 Ay Ceza, 23 Şubat, IBRAHIM.

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Radicalization, Terror, And University: The Case of Turkey The Soldiers of Odin Popular Geopolitics, Orientalism and International Relations. In comparison with the radicalization process which has inflamed much of the Middle East in recent years, Peru s experience may not appear to be particularly relevant, given such differences in historical, cultural, and political realities. It is clearly the case that lessons learned from experiences in one part of the world do not necessarily translate well into other historical, cultural, religious, and political contexts.

In fact, however, this case study of the rise and fall of the most extreme ideologically-driven terrorist organization in Latin American history provides a significant number of insights into why such movements succeed and why they fail. The ability of a radical organization like Shining Path to emerge in a university under the leadership of a single professor over well more than kimyss decade should offer an object lesson mhendielii how an institutional context specifically designed for learning and contributing to national progress can be grossly manipulated and abused.

What became known as Shining Path germinated and gestated over an extended period in the s and s at a recently reopened university in a small provincial city in the country s isolated mhendislij highlands, or sierra. After years of quiet organization in the university and the surrounding countryside, the group s leader, who had also been a professor there between anddeclared a people s war in The stated goal was to overthrow the state and establish a Maoist-inspired New Democracy.

Over the course of the next twelve years, Shining Path came to terrorize much of Peru s rural, largely indigenous highlands and then the capital city of Lima as well. In fact, however, this case study of the rise and fall of the most extreme ideologically-driven terrorist organization in Latin American history provides a significant number of insights into why. In so doing, the Peruvian experience with Shining Path offers a valuable example to consider as part of a broader comparative analysis of an existential threat in the Middle East and in other parts of today s world as well.

One way to frame such an analysis is to consider what appear to be the key factors that contributed to the rise and spread of Shining Path in Peru. Among the most important are the following: The potential of educational institutions to serve as sammsunlu of radical protest against the status quo. The capacity of a single leader to inspire followers to pursue extreme courses of action through charisma and rhetoric.

The use of isolated or remote areas to build an anti-regime organization over a period of time, largely outside the purview of central government authorities. The presence of an external radicalizing actor in a position to serve as a model and to offer training in recruitment approaches and guerrilla operations, as well as command and control techniques over sasmunlu and territory.

Also significant in advancing the radical agenda are actions which provoke the state evrw forces of order into repressive responses which serve to legitimate the rebel cause and to gain popular support. Finally, the kimyax of the government to maintain economic and political stability, preferably under democratic auspices, weakens its legitimacy as well as its ability to have the human and financial resources necessary to overcome the threat. Of equal importance for a broader comparative analysis is a review from the Peruvian experience of the factors which contributed to bring about the defeat of the Shining Path guerrilla movement, which occurred in a rather spectacular fashion at the very moment that the movement appeared to be on the verge of victory.

Among the most important, which in combination and over time were able to turn the tide, are the following: A complete review by the armed forces of their counterinsurgency policies and the introduction, with unobtrusive outside assistance, of an entirely new approach.

The creation of a small police unit to track the guerrilla leadership and capture individuals when located 3.

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The establishment of a rehabilitation program to encourage defections and reincorporation into society, along with an expedited judicial process to try, convict, and jail the most important cadre once captured 4. A major micro-development program directed primarily at the poorest administrative districts in the country, most of them in rural areas where insurgent influence was the greatest 5. An economic recovery program to end rampant hyper-inflation, restore economic growth, and regain access to international financial markets.

We now turn to the case study itself, which includes a summary discussion of the roles of the university and the Cold War in the radicalization process, the dynamics of the conflict itself, a review of why this extremist movement failed, the lessons that were learned, and a concluding comment on possible broader applications.

Latin American University Traditions The Latin American university has long played a major role in the preparation of generations of political leaders and has served as a center of social protest as well. A tradition going back as far as medieval Spain and Portugal defined the university student as one who is there to be educated to serve his family and society but also to protest against social evils.

As a result, institutions of higher education in the Iberian Peninsula as well as its diaspora, most especially Latin America, have long been havens for challenges to the status quo, generally protected by this centuries-old principle of inviolability from interventions by the military or police forces of the state.

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This change from religious to public higher education was part of a larger political process in almost every country of the region that pitted long-standing Conservative traditions originally brought from Spain and, to a lesser degree, Portugal, against more modern Liberal theories from England.

Such core differences provoked civil wars in many countries of the region between the s and the s, with Liberalism emerging victorious in almost every case. These include the right of each sector to elect a third of representatives to central university councils as well as to the individual schools within the institution. However, beginning in the late s and s, higher education in most Latin American countries expanded rapidly to include the youth of middle and lower classes as well, due to quickening social change which brought an ever increasing proportion of the hitherto marginalized population onto the national economic and political scene for the first time.

This process was occurring during the same period that left ideologies were becoming more prominent in the wider body politic of the region and beyond. Levy, The Role of the Cold War Growing ideological consciousness during these years was strengthened by Cold War considerations, in which the Soviet Union played an important role in contributing to Communist Party organizing in national politics, labor unions, and student organizations.

To counter such initiatives, the United States pursued an active anti-communist agenda throughout the region in support of alternative student and labor groups, along with a number of interventions to thwart the advance of radicalism.

eamsunlu Between the s and the late s, national security considerations dominated U. It served as an inspiration to generations of students throughout Latin America.

The Revolution and its charismatic leader fostered an anti-american and anti-capitalist orientation that mobilized legions of student sympathizers to compete in and often win university elections.

Once in control, they could pursue more radical approaches to governance, including greater student control, open admissions, and hiring policies favoring faculty members who shared their ideological views. In the face of the implacable hostility of the United States, the Cuban regime turned to Marxism as its guiding ideology and allied with the Soviet Union as both a model and an economic lifeline, and very soon began to expand its efforts to foster other revolutionary movements throughout Latin America.

Hudson, Such efforts included invitations to selected Latin American university students to come to Cuba to observe the Revolution first hand and participate in short-term seminars on Marxism, which served to further expand political radicalism within their home institutions upon their return. Furthermore, for most of the s and s Cuba actively trained and supported guerrilla movements of national liberation in several Central and South American countries, the largest portion of whose members came from the ranks of university students and professors.

Hudson, The major exception was the case we are considering, the particularly virulent Shining Path of Peru, which turned to Maoism after the Sino-Soviet split in the early s.

Members of Shining Path s Central Committee. Instead of fading away after losing their foreign mentor and sponsor, however, they continued to prepare on mhejdislii own for a radical Maoist revolution in Peru, which they launched as a Peoples War in May Their origins and evolution represent a significant example of how a small, isolated, provincial samsunu university served as the incubator of radical revolutionary fervor and a guerrilla war that soon convulsed the Peruvian countryside and came alarmingly close to overthrowing the government within a decade.

For a number of reasons, this university would have appeared to be a very unlikely place for preparing what was to become the mhensislii violent guerrilla war in the history of the Peruvian republic. Founded inthe country s second oldest institution of higher learning, it functioned for some years to serve the local elite before being shut down in due to Peru s economic collapse after the War of the Pacific.

But inthrough the efforts of Ayacucho s congressional delegation, the university was relaunched with a totally new purpose, unique in South America at the time. The goal was to establish an institution that would reach out to serve the needs of the population of the highland region in which it was located; Peru s poorest and most isolated.

Romero, Instead of being organized around traditional fields of study, such as law, medicine, engineering, and literature and the arts, the University of Huamanga set up programs attuned to preparing students from the samsunku for pro. These included education, ebre engineering, nursing and obstetrics, applied anthropology, and mining engineering, to be chosen after two years of broadly based required foundational courses.

In addition, students and their faculty mentors would engage in a variety of service activities in field work among the area s indigenous communities and marginal settlements within the small city of Ayacucho, with a population of less than 20, in Palmer, The faculty recruited to fill positions included some of Peru s most distinguished academics, many of whom came because they shared the vision of an institution dedicated to improving the condition of the local population, with the added benefit of enjoying salaries based on full-time employment, a rarity in the country at the time.

Political orientation was not a consideration initially, as the first generation of professors included a wide range of views, representing virtually every political party as well as such international entities as Fulbright, a Danish government ceramics program, the missionary organization Summer Institute of Linguistics, and the U. The university was quite small during the first years after its refounding, with a total of about 40 faculty members and students, hamet functioned in a very small city with few amenities.

As a result, everyone knew each other, socialized together, and shared the view that they were part ahmey a significant innovation in Peruvian higher education. About 70 percent of the students came from the most humble of backgrounds. In a region in which some 90 percent of the population of approximatelywas rural and Quechua speaking, for the majority Spanish was their second language.

The fact that they had gained entrance to the university at all meant that most had overcome a daunting set of obstacles to achieve this objective. These included deficient primary schools in their communities, the mhenfislii to move to a provincial capital for their secondary mhehdislii education, and poor parents who made enormous sacrifices to help them stay in school.

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After succeeding where most of their peers had not, they viewed the University of Huamanga and its mission as the opportunity for them to gain the tools they needed to give back to the communities from which they had come. Degregori,Explaining University Radicalization and Shining Path In spite of such a promising beginning, this university could not isolate itself from what was happening in the world around it.

Enthusiasm for the Cuban Revolution and the figure of Fidel Castro made its presence felt. The Cuban missile crisis brought home the challenge of the Cold War and sensitized many at the university to the need to take sides. Within Peru, the election of a more reformist administration after a military intervention and decades of conservative governments, both civilian and military, generated a more kmiyas political climate and an expansion in party activity, especially on the left.

In addition, in the s and s, Peruvian students in secondary and higher education expanded rapidly, from 17 to 52 percent. One manifestation was the increasing politicization of elections for student organizations and university governing bodies among the members of this community. Although still a minority within the university init nevertheless was able to wage a successful campaign to force a reluctant administration to request the departure of the Peace Corps professors.

He was successful in reviving the then moribund Communist Party in Ayacucho as he began to use hmendislii classes and study groups to proselytize among the students.

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Some of these were instrumental in agitating for the removal of Peace Corps faculty. Upon graduation, a large number of these returned as teachers to the indigenous communities from which they had come. Over the course of the s and s, these teachers became a significant support network for the Communist Party in scores of rural communities throughout Ayacucho.

As a result, after China s split with the Soviet Kimyad inhe found the Maoist ideological principles of peasant revolution more compatible with the reality he was then observing, and soon shifted his political allegiance and the source of his financial support accordingly. Gorriti Ellenbogen, Over the course of the next decade, he made several extended trips to China, where he and most of the leading members of his followers received training in party samshnlu and guerrilla war techniques.

Given his ideological formation at the radical fringes of Communism, he was attracted to the more extreme tenets of permanent revolution advocated by Mao and his wife during the Cultural Revolution in China, which was taking place during the years he was traveling there.

During the period of university control by his now Maoist group, the last vestiges of the original principles of the institution were abandoned. Degregori, Although eventually defeated in subsequent elections, the legacy of a politicized institution in which ideological criteria overrode quality education remained.

In spite of these developments, which would normally have attracted the attention of central government authorities and quite possibly have led to. In part, this was due to the isolated location of the university in Ayacucho, largely out of view of national officials kimyss the coastal capital of Lima. Inaction was also the result of an institutionalized military coup ahmftwhich overthrew the elected president and brought to power a self-titled Revolutionary Military Government GRM determined to effect change along socialist principles, including nationalization of private and foreign companies, agrarian reform, and worker self-management.

Palmer, As a result, the GRM was less interested in stemming the influence of left political parties than with reducing the role of traditional elites. Such a perspective by this military government favored socialist and communist parties and unions, strange as that may seem. Over the course of the years of military rule, then, all of them, including the PCP-SL, continued to function and to grow largely unimpeded.

In fact, hmendislii the time the military realized that its reformist agenda was much too ambitious given available resources, and moved to turn the political system back over to elected civilian government, the multiple parties of the largely Marxist-Leninist-Maoist left had become Peru s second largest political force.

Over the course of the s, in fact, most left parties joined forces in the United Left IU and retained their number two position samsublu national as well as municipal elections. Only Shining Path chose a different route. By the mids, after Shining Path s founder, leader, ideologist, and organizer had gone into hiding, he had succeeded in using his university position to create a regional network of supporters. Over the next several years, this network became the foundation of what was to become his guerrilla organization.

It included not only radicalized UNSCH graduates who returned to their communities but also some who took up positions in other public universities in the highland provinces. Many of these were founded in the s as part of a major government expansion of post-secondary school insti. Even with a very small number of Shining Path militants in their faculty ranks, given the tolerant atmosphere for left ideological perspectives in universities at the time, several soon became producers of radicalized student recruits as well.

At each critical juncture, he chose the more radical ideological option, from his student days in Arequipa to the Cultural Revolution in China. Instead of fading away, however, he spent the next four years in Peru preparing to launch a guerrilla war based on his own exhaustive study of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology.

He concluded that only the proper application of these ideological principles could kimyqs the pure revolutionary state that every other Communist regime had failed to generate once in power.

Even though the objective conditions for guerrilla war could not have been less favorable at this particular time, he reasoned that if he followed Lenin s voluntarist dictum of violent actions by a guerrilla force to create favorable conditions, he could be successful in the ultimate goal of a violent overthrow of the regime in power.